DELIVERER  ON 


THANKSGIVING  DAT 


Docember  Ifttfcp  2S30j 


IN  TllS, 


CONGREGATIONAL  CHURCH,  AT  CLINTON. 


BY*  ROBERT  G.  VERMILYE, 

MINISTER  OF  SAID  CHURCH. 


CLINTON: 

LEWIS  W.  PAYNE,  PRINTER. 
]  85  L 


4* 


| 


Clinton,  Dec.  I4th,  1S50. 


#f.v.  R.  O.  Vermilye, 

Respected  &'ir: — Wo,  the  undersigned,  members  of  your  congregation,  tender  our 
sincere  thanks  for  the  very  timely,  able,  and  eloquent  sermon  delivered  by  you  on 
“Thanksgiving  day.” 

Believing  that  the  cause  of  truth,  the  good  of  our  common  country  and  the  principles 
.of  the  Bible  will  be  great’ y  promoted  by  giving  the  sentiments  contained  in  it  a  wider 
circulation,  and  that  very  many  who  had  not  the  opportunity  of  hearing,  would  be  pleased 
to  read  it,  we  therefore  earnestly  solicit  a  copy  for  publication. 


With  great  respect,  we  remain  yours,  most  sincerely, 


B.  BUTLER, 

A.  G.  G RIDLEY, 
MARCUS  LATHROP, 
SAM’L.  COMSTOCK, 
CFJA’S.  BARROWS, 
CHAUNCEY  C.  COOK, 
S.  CURTISS, 


B.  Butler,  Esq  ,  and  others, 

Gentlemen : — The  discourse  which  you  solicit,  though  written  necessarily,  within  the 
few  hours  previous  to  its  delivery,  and  with  no  purpose  of  pub’ication  in  view,  is  never¬ 
theless  placed  at  your  disposal  I  have  deemed  it  proper  to  commit  it  to  the  press,  in  tho 
same  form  in  which  it  was  delivered,  except  a  few  verbal  corrections  Those,  however, 
who  heard  it,  will  observe  that  some  of  the  closing  thoughts  which  for  want  of  time  com¬ 
pelled  me  to  compress  into  a  few  sentences,  arc  he:  c  expanded. 

Thanking  you,  gentlemen,  for  the  kind  terms,  in  which  you  have  expressed  your  appro¬ 
bation  of  the  discourse,  I  am  sincerely  yours, 


Clinton,  Dec.  lb’tb,  1850, 


ROB’T.  G.  VERMILYE. 


35306 


Digitized  by  the  Internet  Archive 
in  2018  with  funding  from 

University  of  Illinois  Urbana-Champaign  Alternates 


https://archive.org/details/discoursedeliver00verm_1 


SERMON. 


Psalm  cxlvii  :  20. 

He  bath  not  dealt  so  with  any  nation ;  and  as  for  his  judgments,  they  hare  not 
known  them.  Praise  ye  the  Lord. 

This  is  the  day  of  our  annual  Thanksgiving  r  and  it  may  not 
be  improper,  that  we  should  be  reminded  of  the  original  design  of 
such  an  occasion,  and  of  ihe  feelings  which  are  most  suitable  to 
its  proper  observance.  According  to  its  primitive  purpose,  ar  d 
its  intrinsic  nature,  it  is  a  day  for  the  recollection  of  the  divine 
mercies,  and  for  the  public  expression  of  our  gratitude  for  them. 
Its  predominant  feeling,  then,  should  be  one  of  humble  and  de¬ 
vout,  but  joyful  thankfulness  :  its  prominent  subject,  should  be 
the  goodness  of  God,  towards  us,  our  friends,  our  nation,  and  our 
country — especially  during  the  past  year,  and  in  the  blessings  of 
his  Providence  ;  its  peculiar  associations,  should  be  those  of  re¬ 
ligious  joy,  of  kindness,  benevolence  and  charity.  If  it  be  possi¬ 
ble,  no  note  of  discord  should  mingle  with  our  strains  of  gratitude; 
no  voice  of  sadness  break  in  upon  our  holy  festivity  ;  no  thoughts 
of  alienation  and  strife,  destroy  the  peaceful  flow  of  happy  feel¬ 
ing.  Solemnity  there  should  be  ;  humility  there  should  be  ;  trust 
and  confidence  in  God,  inspired  by  the  past,  should  be  exercised 
for  the  future,  while  we  commit  our  ways  to  him.  But  the  tone 
of  our  feelings,  the  key-note  to  which  all  should  respond — should 
be  that  of  gratitude  for  unmerited  mercies,  and  of  humble  reliance 
and  earnest  seeking  for  future  blessings.  It  is  a  day  for  good¬ 
will  to  men,  and  praise  to  God. 


6 


It  will  be  conceded  that  this  is  not  the  most  popular  way  of 
carrying  out  the  appointment  of  this  day  :  these  are  not  the  ordi¬ 
nary,  common  topics  of  discussion  on  such  an  occasion.  It  is  al¬ 
most  expected  that  the  theme  of  a  thanksgiving  discourse  should 
be  some  point  of  public  policy,  or  some  question  of  governmental 
rights  and  duties;  something  in  reference  to  which  there  is  a 
wide  and  agitating  difference  of  opinion  among  men,  if  it  can  be 
found.  That  which  is  dark  in  our  condition  and  prospects,  or 
what  is  wrong  in  our  public  administration,  will  often  furnish  the 
most  fertile  and  acceptable  theme  of  discussion  ;  and  ihc  whole 
tone  of  the  observances  of  the  day,  is  dispiriting,  harsh,  and 
uncharitable,  in  fact,  it-  has  been  intimated,  at  least  by  one  relig¬ 
ious  paper,  claiming  a  wide  influence,  that,  such  discourses  are 
peculiarly  appropriate  on  this  day;  and  now,  since,  as  they  se¬ 
renely  claim,  they  have  fought  the  battle  for  the  freedom  of  the 
pulpit,  and  we  are  at  liberty  to  discuss  political  subjects, — it  may 
be  expected  that  many  clergymen  will  avail  themselves  of  such 
permission,  especially  on  this  day.  I  am  thankful  for  the  liberty. 
I  had  supposed  that  we  were  al  ways  at  liberty  to  discuss  the  princi 
pics  of  our  duty  to  God  and  to  man,  in  all  the  relations  wrc  may  sus¬ 
tain  to  one  another,  as  they  are  laid  down  in  the  Bible,  according  to 
what  may  seem  wise,  suitable,  and  likely  to  prove  beneficial  to  those 
to  whom  we  speak  Farther  than  this,  J  have  no  desire  to  go. 
Quest  ions  of  public  administration — questions  of  mere  governmen¬ 
tal  policy — questions  of  constitutional  law,  and  executive  authority 
—questions  of  party  politics,  and  the  like — although  with  regard  to 
them  all,  I  may  entertain  my  opinion,  as  a  citizen,  and  carry  it 
out,  as  opportunity  may  offer,  I  consider  to  be  foieign  to  the  pul¬ 
pit,  and  not  likely  to  give  religious  weight  or  moral  force  to  its 
ministrations.  They  interfere  too  much,  I  think,  to  say  no  more, 
with  its  peculiar  office  and  functions,  as  the  theatre  of  the  minis¬ 
try  of  reconciliation,  and  the  exponent  of  specially  religious  and 
spiritual  truth. 

I  shall  not  therefore  avail  myself  of  the  liberty  so  kindly  afford¬ 
ed.  1  shall  not  emph  v  the  present  occasion,  however  strong 
the  temptation  might  be,  arising  from  certain  present  circumstan- 


7 


CCS,  in  any  special  discussion  of  the  recent  policy  of  our  rulers, 
or  of  any  of  their  laws,  good  or  had;  nor  in  any  maledictions 
upon  the  government  under  which  we  live.  I  shall  not  con\cit 
your  Thanksgiving  into  a  day  of  sour  and  discontented  objurga¬ 
tion  and  fault-finding.  I  think 'I  hero  has  been  enough  of  this.  I 
think  the  day  has  been  perverted  from  its  legitimate  use,  to  pro¬ 
mote  such  ends,  until  we  can  almost  employ,  with  reference  to  it, 
the  language  which  our  Savior  used  of  the  spiritual  results  or  the 
introduction  of  his  kingdom  on  earth  :  “it  has  come  to  set  a  man 
at  variance  against  his  father,  and.  the  daughter  against  her  moth¬ 
er,  and  the  daughter-in-law  against,  her  mother-in-law  :  and  a 
man’s  foes  shall  be  they  of  his  own  household.”  My  design  is,  if 
possible,  to  call  up  the  sense  of  your  individual,  personal  obliga¬ 
tions  to  the  goodness  of  God  ;  to  remind  ycu  of  your  social  and 
civil  blessings, — not  hardships; — to  awaken  joy,  not  sadness  and 
despondency.  When  Nehemiah  was  rebuilding  the  walls  of 
Jerusalem,  and  re-establishing  the  government,  and  while  Ezra, 
the  scribe,  read  the  law  of  the  Loid,  the  people  were  so  affected 
with  a  sense  of  the  privileges  they  had  forfeited,  the  sufferings 
they  had  endured,  and  the  sins  they  had  committed,  that  t hey 
could  not  refrain  from  weeping  and  tears*  But  Nehemiah  said 
unto  them  :  “Go  your  way,  cat  the  fat,  and  drink  the  sweel,  and 
send  portions  unto  them  for  whom  nothing  is -prepared  :  for  this 
day  is  holy  unto  our  Lord  :  neither  be  yc  sorry.”  Very  much 
in  the  same  feeling,  I  would  desire  to  observe  our  Thanksgiving 
festival.  I  should  be  glad  if  it  could  be  restored,  in  a  good 
degree,  to  its  primitive  and  appropriate  purpose.  Lei  the  day 
be  consecrated,  not  to  the  enkindling  of  passion,  alienation  ai  d 
strife,  but  to  grateful  recollections;  to  associations  of  joy  ai  d 
pleasure;  to  the  enjoyment  of  the  blessings  God  gives  us;  to 
mutual  congratulations  upon  air  happy  lot;  to  deeds  and  thoughts, 
and  prayers  of  charity  and  k  ndness;  to  brig]  t  prr spools  and 
anticipations,  for  the  future,  if  it  be  possible;  and  above  all,  to 
a  religious  sentiment  of  profound  grain  ude  to  Gcd,  the  giver  of 
all.  I  am  persuaded  men  may  l  c  made  better,  by  such  occa¬ 
sions  as  these.  They  may  enlarge  the  common  stock  of  social 


a 


happiness  ;  they  may  lead  us  away  from  the  mere  selfish  posses* 
sion  of  blessings,  to  think  of  our  obligations  for  them ;  they  mav 
fasten  the  bonds  of  social  order,  and  contribute  to  the  patriotism 
of  the  people,  the  stability  of  the  government,  the  prosperity  of 
our  nation,  and  our  more  speedy  escape  from  evils  and  dangers 
which  may  threaten  us. 

Seventy-five. years  ago,  the  first  blow  was  struck  for  the  free¬ 
dom  of  this  people.  The  God  of  battles  favored  our  fathers  ; 
and  as  we  think,  by  giving  success  to  their  arms,  set  tire  seal  of 
his  approbation  to  their  rebellion.  He  made  their  cause  to  ap¬ 
pear  just  and  right.  But  at  the  close  of  that  war,  glorious  and 
honorable  as  it  was,  how  weak  and  small  were  we  as  a  nation! 
how  feeble  in  power !  how  scanty  and  limited  in  resources ! — 
and  what  a  formidable  difficulty,  still  presented  itself  to  our  fath¬ 
ers,  in  the  formation  of  a  constitution,  and  the  establishment  of  a 
government,  calculated  to  unite  the  varying  interests  and  influen¬ 
ces  of  our  land,  and  acceptable  to  all !  We  speak  with  commen¬ 
dation,— and  none  can  be  too  high,-— of  the  toils  and  dangers  of 
the  revolution,  and  of  the  patient  endurance,  the  wisdom  in  coun¬ 
cil,  and  the  valor  in  action,  of  those  who  achieved  it.  But  per¬ 
haps  an  equal  tribute  should  be  paid  to  the  wisdom,  the  forbear¬ 
ance,  and  the  patience  which  carried  them  successfully  through 
the  subsequent  triak  and  established  a  government  of  order  and 
law.  Perhaps  we  should  rather  say,  we  are  thankful  to  the  same 
Providence  which  carried  them  through  the  struggle  of  the  rev¬ 
olution,  for  guiding  them  through  these  difficulties,  and  bringing 
them  to  so  successful  an  issue.  Thus  the  ship  of  state  was 
launched  forth  upon  the  world. — But  how  astonishing  has  been 
the  progress  of  onr  people,  since  that  period  b  If  tire  history  of 
this  naton,  during  the  half-century  just  closing,  were  to  be  writ¬ 
ten,  it  would  be  a  history  of  prosperity  and  growth,  such  as  the 
world  saw  never.  The  increase  of  our  population  has  been  vast 
and  rapid,  almost  beyond  belief.  It  had  advanced  from  three  to 
twenty  millions,  five  years  ago.  I  will  not  conjecture  what  an 
aggregate  the  present  census  may  show :  but,  as  a  single  fact, 
illustrating  its  growth,  let  it  be  remembered,  that  our  principal 


9 


city  now  contains  within  its  own  limits,  and  without  its  suburbs, 
one  sixth  as  large  a  population  as  that  of  the  whole  country  at  the 
close  of  the  war.  The  subjection  of  our  territory  to  cultivation 
and  civilizing  influenees  has  kept  pace  with  this  increasing  popu¬ 
lation.  The  place  where  we  now  dwell,  and  enjoy  the  comforts 
of  religion  and  of  home,  and  which  is  now  far  behind  the  centre 
of  advancing  progress,  had  then  not  been  opened  even  to  the  rude 
habitations  of  the  first  settlers.  The  increase  in  the  number  of 
states,  has  been  more  than  double  :  from  thirteen  to  thirty.  The 
increase  in  the  extent  of  our  territory,  has  gone  on  in  the  same 
way;  we  have  expanded  and  grown,  until  our  territory  has  almost 
become  a  burden  to  us,  and  multitudes  of  acres  lie  yet  uncultiva¬ 
ted  by  the  hand  of  industry,  and  even  untrodden  by  the  foot  of 
civilized  man.  I  am  not  one  of  those  who  looked  with  a  favoring 
bye  to  the  acquisition  of  these  immense  lands  ;  nor  could  I,  as  a 
citizen,  approve  of  the  policy  which  seemed  to  demand  them,  or 
the  mode  in  which  they  were  acquired. — But  I  promised  not  to 
reproach  the  administration  of  our  government,  to-day,  either  past 
or  present. — Yet  I  will  say,  notwithstanding  previous  predilec¬ 
tions,  that  I  cannot  be  blind  to  the  developments,  even  to  the  in¬ 
timations  of  Providence.  May  it  not  be  possible,  that  in  these 
things  God  has  his  own  ends  in  view,  apart  from  man’s  purposes  1 
May  he  not  over-rule  the  Wrong  designs  of  men,  to  his  honor  and 
glory  ?  If  slavery  would  have  territory,'  may  not  that  territory 
become  the  abode  of  freedom,  as  well  as  a  mine  of  wealth  ? — But 
now,  what  a  scene  does  the  mighty  extent  and  population  of  our 
country  afford  ?  What  a  glorious  Union  is  this  !  The  East  has 
grown  into  the  stability  and  order  of  the  most  venerable  nations, 
yet  with  all  the  vigor  and  energy  of  manly  years.  She  is  the 
mother  of  states,  while  yet  she  is  continually  replenished  with 
new  inhabitants.  The  West  has  become  the  centre  of  civiliza¬ 
tion  and  refinement,  and  the  arbiter  of  political  power ;  and  we 
are  almost  expecting  a  new  state  to  grow  into  maturity  each  year. 
The  shores  of  the  Pacific  have  already  become  the  home  of  a 
free  people,  and  an  organized  government ;  and  the  woodsman  of 
Maine,  upon  our  eastern  border,  now  shakes  hands  as  a  brother, 
not  with  the  pioneer  of  advancing  civilization  upon  the  Allegany 


10 


Mountains,  or  the  Mississippi  river,  as  a  few  years  ago,  but  with 
the  miner,  the  princely  merchant,  the  Christian  minister,  the  free 
citizen,  of  the  free  state  of  California.  It  is  the  boast  of  England, 
that  Upon  her  possessions  the  sun  n'evCr  sets  ;  and  that  from  her 
island  borne,  she  sways  a  sceptre  over  subjugated  nations,  and 
gives  laW's  to  distant  people,  in  -a  continuous  circle  round  the 
earth.  We  think  wC  have  a  nobler  scene*.  As  the  sun  reaches 
his  meridian  height,  over  the  centre  of  our  land,  be  looks  down 
upon  the  bustling  activity  of  a  people,  reaching  from  the  Atlantic 
to  the  Pacific,  stretching  over  one-sixth  of  the  circumference  of 
the  globe  :  one  people,  one  nation,  one  language,  one  government. 
So  may  it  ever  be  !  May  the  cords  which  bind  us  never  be  sun¬ 
dered  !  May  no  mutual  disagreement,  no  fraternal  hate,  no  sec¬ 
tional  interest,  no  party  passion,  no  mad  ambition,  ever  break  the 
unity  and  the  glory  of  such  a  scene  ! 

And  the  development  of  our  resources  has  been  in  the  same 
proportion.  Wealth  has  rolled  in  upon  us,  like  a  torrent.  Not¬ 
withstanding  some  periods  of  commercial  embarrassment,  some 
checks  in  the  tide  of  prosperity, — the  increase  of  national  and 
individual  wealth  has  been  unexampled.  Every  branch  of  indus¬ 
try,  has  been  prospered.  Agriculture  has  not  only  subdued  vast 
tracts  of  uncultivated  land,  but  has  been  improved  as  an  art :  it  is 
the  substratum,  the  foundation  of  all  our  riches,  and  furnishes 
abundance  for  the  millions  of  our  inhabitants,  and  much  to  spare; 
May  the  time  never  come,  (perhaps  it  never  can,  in  the  nature  of 
the  case,)  when  we  shall  cease  to  be  largely  an  agricultural  people; 
Commerce  has  grown  ;  our  ocean  trade  has  been  facilitated,  by 
the  use  of  steam,  and  other  inventions,  until  it  seems  to  be  proo- 
able,  that  in  our  merchant  and  passenger  marine,  we  may  soon 
dispute  the  empire  of  the  ocean  with  our  venerable  mother. — 
Manufactures  have  started  into  life  ;  have  advanced  towards  per¬ 
fection,  if  they  have  not  reached  it ;  and  if  we  cannot  compete 
with  the  old  nations*  in  many  respects,  yet  this  branch  of  industry 
has  become  essential  to  our  prosperity ;  has  furnished  subsistence 
to  multitudes,  and  contributed  largely  to  the  wealth  of  our  coun¬ 
try.  Everywhere,  the  signs  of  prosperity  and  of  unexampled 
growth  are  seen :  in  the  shop  of  the  artizan*  in  the  field  of 


11 


the  husbandman,  in  the  store  of  the  trader,  in  the  counting- house 
of  the  merchant,  in  the  ships  of  the  mariner,  in  the  streets  of  our 
cities,  in  the  councils  of  our  cabinets,  in  the  conflicts  of  ouj* 
armies,  and,  not  least,  in  the  homes  of  our  countrymen.  With  all] 
abatements  for  individual  cases,  fcr  untoward  circumstances, 
for  occasional  disasters,  the  tide  of  prosperity  has  swelled  and 
increased,  in  an  unexampled  degree.  Every  one  has  felt  it,  in  his 
private  relations,  and  as  a  citizen.  The  government  has  fell  it ; 
and  as  its  power  and  duties  have  increased,  it  finds  no  lack  of 
means  to  carry  out  its  purposes.  In  every  respect,  in  external 
prosperity  the  land  of  our  fathers  has  become  a  goodly  land,  f 
repeat  it,  its  advance  has  been  wonderful-*—  unexampled.  The 
union  of  causes  tending,  to  this  result,  has  been  marked  and  extra¬ 
ordinary.  History  tells  of  no  such  event.  The  hand  of  God  is 
most  visible  in  it.  “He  hath  not  dealt  so  with  any  nation  ;  and 
as  for  his  judgments,  they  have  not  known  them.  Praise  ye  the 
Lord.,? 

There  has  been  a  growth  too,  in  many  other  respects.  In  re¬ 
finement,  in  social  comforts  and  advantages,  we  have  shared  iu 
the  benefits  of  older  nations.  Indeed,  in  many  points,  \ye  have 
surpassed  them.  Where,  for  example,  will  you  find  the  comforts 
and  enjoyments  which  are  associated  with  the  name  of  an  Amer¬ 
ican  home,  so  widely  possessed,  by  the  mass  of  the  people,  and 
so  easily  obtained  ?  Where  do  you  find  so  well  understood,  and 
so  powerful,  in  any  other  land,  the  blessings  and  influences,  which 
cluster  round  that  word  ?  One  of  the  grand  peculiarities  and 
blessings  of  our  couqUy  is:,  that  we  have  homes,  and  understand' 
their  value.  One  of  the  greatest  deficiencies  of  some  other 
nations,  is,  that  they  have  no  such  general  diffusion  of  home 
comforts  and  enjoyments.  May  the  time  never  come,  when  the 
power  and  precipusness  of  these  domestic  influences  shall  become 
less,  or  be  less  highly  prized  among  us  !  If,  again,  we  have  not  the 
high  refinement,,  the  exquisite  polish  of  society,  the  luxurious 
extravagance,  which  large  wealth,  accumulated  in  an  aristocracy, 
gs  among  the  nations  of  the  old  world,  may  furnish  ;  or  if  we 
have  not  made  those  advances  in  arts,  seience  or  learning,  which 
they  have  gained,  yet  we  are  not  deficient  in  these  respects.  I,n 


1-2- 


literature,  science,  learning,  inventive  genius,  a  practical,  apt, 
useful  cast  of  mind,  in  energy  of  character,  who  shall  say  that  we 
are  deficient?  These  make  a  people,  fit  to  enjoy  large  external 
prosperity,  and  to  grow.  They  are  the  elements  of  national 
development,  as  well  as  of  national  character.  They  are  not 
wanting  among  us.  Perhaps  they  have  kept  pace  with  our 
outwrard  growth :  at  any  rate,  they  have  advanced  enough,  to 
excite  the  wonder  and  emulation  of  other  people. 

Has  there  been  a  corresponding  growth  and  advancement  in 
intellectual  and  moral,  and  religious  influences  among  us  ?  I  dare 
not  say  there  has.  I  dare  not  say,  that  general  education,  and 
the  cultivation  of  the  mind — that  public  and  private  morality — that 
religion,  either  in  its  form  or  its  essence, — that  these  things  have 
been  commensurate  with  the  reach  of  our  country,  and  its  growth 
in  territory  and  wealth,  I  dare  not  say  that  we  have  done  for 
ourselves,  and  for  God — dor  ourselves  as  rational  and  immortal 
beings,  and  for  God,  as  our  bountiful  benefactor,— in  proportion  as 
the  gifts  of  Providence  have,  been  lavished  upon  us.  I  fear 
improvement  has  not  kept  full  pace  with  prosperity.  But  after 
all,  there  has  been  a  large,  a  gratifying  advancement  even  in  these 
respects ;  an  advancement  which  places  us  in  proud  comparison 
with  any  other  land.  All  these  interests  have  been  impeded  by 
one  of  the  very  elements  of  our  growth.  I  mean  the  foreign 
population  which  has  been  cast  upon  our  shores.  I  say  it  in  no 
spirit  of  condemnation,  nor  of  unwelcome ;  in  no  disparagement 
of  many  of  them ;  for  it  is  rather  their  misfortune,  than  their 
fault,  that  they  have  grown  up,  before,  in  ignorance  and  supersti¬ 
tion.  But  such  is  the  fact.  The  friends  of  education,  and  of 
morality,  and  of  a  Protestant,  Bible  Christianity,  which  we  believe 
to  be  the  safety  of  this  land, — besides  the  burden,  which  would 
have  fallen  upon  them,  have  had  to  grapple  with  this  additional 
weight  of  ignorance,  of  lax  principles,  and  of  superstition, 
which  circumstances  have  thrown  upon  us,  from  the  old 
old  world.  Yet  in  all  these  respects,  there  has  been  sensible, 
obvious  advancement.  In  education,  morality,  religion, — so  far 
I  mean,  as  relates  to  opportunities,  and  a  general  public  sentiment, 
in  their  favor,  and  to  practical  influence,  we  may  stand  a  eompar- 


I&on  without  fear,  with  any  nation,  I  believe  in  the  world.  Where 
is  there  a  higher  tone  of  morality,  found  among  any  people  ?— 
Where  is  religion  more  respected,  and  more  potential,  though 
under  no  governmental  patronage  or  favor?  Where  does  its 
spirit  control  more  powerfully  ?  Where  are  its  grand  principles 
and  precepts  better  obeyed  ?  Where  is  its  Sabbath,  more  widely 
observed  ?  Where  is  there  a  deeper  interest  in  its  institutions,  or 
more  vigorous  and  untiring  efforts  for  its  dissemination  ?  In  what 
land  is  there  a  spirit  of  larger  charity  or  benevolence  ?  In  all 
that  belongs  to  a  Christian  people,  there  is  but  one  nation  in  the 
world,  which  we  are  behind  ;  and  I  arp  not  sure  that  England,  all 
things  considered,  will  surpass  us,  I  am  sure,  that  if  we  take 
all  her  possessions  into  account,  she  will  not ;  for  she  does  not? 
provide  as  well  for  her  national  offspring,  I>  think,  as  we  do.  But 
this  may  be  conceded  ;  I  have  the  profoundest  respect  for  a  large 
portion  of  English  philanthropy,  benevolence,  and.  religion  :  not 
for  it  all.  I  say  these  things  in  reference  to  our  country,  without 
being  at  all  unmindful  of  our  great  deficiencies  and  sins,  in  these 
respects :  of  the  moral  wastes  and  desolations  of  our  land  :  of 
the  duty  of  religious  and  moral  benevolence,  to  which  we  often 
urge  you  :  of  the  danger  which  may  flow  to  the  republic,  yet,  if 
these  interests  are  not  carefully  watched.  But  I  say  them,  be¬ 
cause  I  believe  they  are  true.  I  say  them,  to  the  glory  of  God, 
to  the  praise  of  good  men,  to  enkindle  your  gratitude  for  your  share 
in  them,  and  for  the  encouragement  of  all,  who  have  the  solid  ad¬ 
vancement  of  their  country  at  heart,  and  are  striving  to  promote  it. 

These  rapid  suggestions,  as  to  our.  growth  and  condition,  would 
be  essentially  incomplete,  if  I  were  not  to  point  you,  to  the  nature 
of  our  civil  institutions.  It  were  trite  to  say,  that  this  is  a  land 
of  civil  and  religious  liberty.  But  you  must  remember,  that 
seventy  years  ago,  the  idea  of  a  confederated  republic,  was  a  novel 
one:  an  experiment.  That  God  had  been  graining  a  people,  for 
a  century  or  more,  for  this  very  experiment,  I  doubt  not.  But  to 
the  eye  of  man,  it  was  novel :  ic  was  an  experiment.  I  have 
reminded  you  that  there  were  intrinsic  difficulties  in  the  way,  and 
that  wisdom  was  necessary  to  establish  a  government.  But  it 
was  established  :  a  constitution  was  formed,  I  am  not  to  defend 


14 


it.  It  needs  no  defence.  But  I  say.  make  what  allowances  or 
abatements  you  please,  and  there,  is  no  country  on  the  face  of  the 
earth,  where  there  is  a  better  understanding,  and  a  more  thorough 
guarantee  than  here,  of  all  the  reasonable  liberty,  the  rights  of 
man  :  aye,  and  of  woman  too.  For  a  wise  exhibition,  a  fair  ad-t 
j’ustment,  a  full  security,  a  free  exercise  of  these  rights, — our 
country  stands  pre-eminent.  Tiie  power  is  with  the  people,  not 
the  governors  : — and  it  is  their  own  fault,  at  least  the  fault  of  the 
majority,  if  it  is  not  wisely,  and  righteously  exercised'.  By  the 
ballot — in  the  beautiful  simile  of  another  “falling  noiselessly  as* 
the  snow  upon  the  rock,”  mighty  results  are.  achieved  :  changes 
of  policy  and  of  rulers  are  accomplished*,  which  would  shake  other 
nations  to  their  centre.  I  think  that  every  general  election,  over 
this  vast  nation,  is  a  glorious  testimony  to  the  excellency  of  our 
government,  and  h  will  say,  of  the  people.  It  is  a  sublime  sight ; 
and  there  is  nothing,  which  more  impresses  the  mind  of  an  intelli¬ 
gent  foreigner,  or  calls  for  more  wondering  admiration,  than  U> 
witness  such  a  process.  Perish  the  hand  that  would  corrupt  the 
purity  of  the  ballot-box,  or  weaken  the  moral  power-  of  such  a 
spectacle!  By  the  frequent  elections  provided  for  in  our  Consti¬ 
tution,  an  additional, security  is  given  to  .-Liberty  and  justice.  Things 
are  not  irrevocable  :•  wrong  is  not  permanent.  It.  is  in  the  power  of 
the  people  if  they  wish  to  amend  it.  Now,  where  on  the  face  of 
the  earth  will  you  find  a  better  government  than  this,  with  all  its 
imperfections,  if  such  there  be  ?  More  vigorous  and  efficient,  yet 
less  galling,  and  annoying  one  which  gives  you  so  much  security, 
and  so  little  trouble  ?  Is  not  this,  at  this  hour,  the  model  govern¬ 
ment  of  the  world  ?  Blot  it  out,  and  then  show  me  its  parallel  l 
Destroy  it,  and  if  such,  another  ever  lives,,  it  must  spring  up  from 
its  ashes  :  for  no  where  on.  the  earth,  will  you  find  the  fire  which 
shall  rekind  its  glory  and  light.  Or,  again,  what  do  you  wish, 
better  than  such  a  government,  as  this  ?  I  mean  in  its  substantial 
elements,  and  to  be  administered  by  fallible  men  ?  Of  the  history 
of  its  administration,  it  might  be  invidious  to  speak  ;  except  to 
say,  that  in  its  history,  it  has  sustained  some  shocks,  has  encoun¬ 
tered  some  dangers,  has  been  threatened  more  than,  o^ice ;  but  has 
proved  itself  fully  equal  to  every  past  emergency.  May  it  [trove 


15 


equal  to  every  future  :  and  by  its  own  inherent  power,  extricate 
itself  from  all  its  difficulties.  I  say  these  things  again,  to  the 
glory  of  God,  in  thankfulness  to  his  Providence,  which  has  guided 
and  preserved  us ;  to  remind  you  of  our  origin  and  obligations, 
and  to  inspire,  if  possible,  an  increasing  love  and  attachment  10 
cur  country  and  its  government. 

Our  blessings  sometimes  appear  more  real  and  precious,  by 
contrast  with  the  condition  of  others.  I  think  this  is  a  legitimate 
way  of  exciting  gratitude,  and  a  just  appreciation  of  our  privile 
ges.  ’It  certainly  does  not  minister  to  pride,  but  to  humility,  when 
undertaken  in  a  right  spirit..  Of  the  nations  of  Europe,  we  may 
say,  in  general  terms,  the  people  have  looked’ with  wonder,  with 
longing  emulation,  and  alas'!  almost  with  that  heart-sickness 
which  results  from  hope  deferred,  upon  our  condition  :  the  rulers 
have  looked  with  envy  and  malignity,  and  have  eagerly  watched 
for  our  halting.  I  shall  not  speak  of  the  influence  which  our 
country  has  exerted  upon  European  politics  and  movements  :  it 
would  lead  me  too  far.  Nor  can  I  dwell  upon  the  history  of  their 
late,  alas  !  unsuccessful  struggles  for  constitutional  liberty.  I 
simply  point  to  facts.  Go  over  the  nations  of  Europe  at  this 
hour  : — I  speak  of  course,  of  no  other  quarter  of  the  world  : — and 
what  is  their  condition  ?  Contrast  ft  with  your  own.  Think  of 
their  history  for  fifty  years  ;  place  it  by  the  side  of  your  own.  I 
will  net  ask,  if  there  is  a  land  more  blessed,  in  these  respects  :  if 
there  is  a  government,  with  which  you  would  exchange.  But  I 
will  ask  you  whether  you  expect  to  learn  any  thing  good  front 
those  governments  :  whether  you  do  not  feel  competent,  as  a 
citizen  of  the  American  Republic,  to  teach  them  much  ?  Wheth¬ 
er  with  the  exception  of  England,  the  whole  aspect  of  the  Conti¬ 
nent,  is  not  pitiable,  fearful  and  dark,  for  the  cause  of  human 
liberty  and  rights,  for  the  Cause  of  order  and  constitutional  gov¬ 
ernment.  They  have  been  struggling  for  liberty ;  but  they  have 
not  succeeded.  They  have  caught  a  glimpse  of  our  beaon-fire, 
'and  have  been  trying  to  light  a  responsive  one  :  but  it  has  beeh 
•quenched.  God  has  not  given  them  success.  They  were  nCt 
prepared  for  liberty,  we  fear.  The  fire  indeed  mav  not  have  gone 
Cut  entirely:  it  may  only  be  buried  in  the  ashes.  The  tempest  has 


1G 


lulled  :  but  it  has  not  departed,  and  left  a  cleai  and  serene  sky  :  its 
scowling  and  ominous  clouds  still  linger  about  the  horizon  of 
European  politics.  The  volcano  has  not  burnt  out  its  fire,  nor 
been  extinguished,  but  only  smothered  :  and  we  fear  it  may  be 
destined  tb  burst  forth  again,  with  tremendous  destruction,  before 
it  shall  settle  down  into  the  calm  and  steady  flame,  upon  the  altar 
of  genuine  liberty.  Meanwhile  their  condition  is  sad  and  deplo¬ 
rable.  We  feel  as  if  we  might  view  them  with  the  eye  of  pity. 
But  ought  we  not  to  have  our  gratitude  to  God  enkindled,  when 
we  contrast  our  condition  with  theirs  ?  “He  hath  not  dealt  so 
With  any  nation  :  and  as  for  his  judgments,  they  have  not  known 
them.  Praise  ye  the  Lord.” 

Bitt  there  are  deficiencies,  faults,  'evils,  in  our  government !  So 
there  are.  I  will  not  deny  it.  There  are  sins  among  us ;  there 
is  a.  dark  side  to  this  picture.  There  are  evils,  more  or  less  wide¬ 
spread,  Which  are  regarded  as  threatening  disaster  to  our  country. 
There  is  a  great  deficiency,  in  some  of  those  good  influences  to 
which  I  have  adverted  :  while  on  the  other  hand,  there  are  active, 
strenuous  movements,  tending  to  the  promotion  of  infidelity,  vice, 
and  ungodliness  among  us.  Our  very  prosperity  may  be  perver¬ 
ted  :  Jeshurun  ivaxed  fat  and  kicked—  Our  very  liberty  may  be 
abused  :  Who  is  Lord  over  us  ?  and  the  goodness  of  God,  instead 
of  leading  us  to  repentance  may  be  despised,  to  his  provocation, 
and  our  injury.  Then  again,  Providential  circumstances,  which 
we  cannot  overrule,  may  sometimes  seem  to  threaten  us  :  such  as 
the  influx  of  foreigners,  which  I  have  mentioned.  But,  with 
regard  to  all  these  things,  T  may  remind  you  that  (he  battle  is  set, 
between  good  and  evil,  between  righteousness  and  sin  ;  that  it  is 
your  duty  to  join  in  this  contest,  on  the  right  side ;  and  that  in 
this  conflict,  while  the  friends  of  right,  the  armies  of  morality  and 
religion,  contending  with  Satan’s  hosts,  shall  vigorously  and  faith¬ 
fully  prosecute  their  war, — we  may  feel  safe.  Trusting  in  God, 
and  opposing  evil  influences,  to  the  best  of  our  power,  we  may 
leave  the  issue  in  his  hands. — Yet  We  may  say,  these  are  not  the 
dangers,  which  to  the  eye  of  most  men,  immediately  threaten  our 
government  and  institutions.  They  may  undermine  it :  they  may 
rot  away  its  foundations  :  they  may  corrupt  public  virtue,  until  it 


17 


h  dead,  if  they  bo  not  checked.  But  they  are  not  so  palpable*, 
and  obvious  in  common  estimation,  as  some  others  :  perhaps  they 
are  not  as  much  thought  of,  as  they  should  be. — Yet  there  are 
other  evils  more  manifest,  at  least  at  this  time. — Perhaps  there  is 
one. — I  will  name  it.— It  is  Slavery  — Have  you  not  noticed; 
that  there  is  always,  almost,  some  one  topic  of  interest  arid  excite¬ 
ment,  which  agitates  the  community,  and  seems  to  threaten 
danger  and  disaster,  and  it  may  be  ruin,  to  our  country  ?  Some¬ 
times  it  has  been  at  the  north,  sometimes  at  the  south  ;  then 
again,  confined  to  no  particubir  locality.  It  has  been  popular 
commotion:  repudiation:  nullification:  financial  policy: — the 
wonderful  inpouring  of  foreigners,  ignorant  of  our  institutions,  and 
unfit  for  liberty.  It  has  been  the  Missouri  question  :  or  the 
Catholic  question  :  or  the  war  :  or  the  admission  of  Texas. — Of 
late,  it  has  been  slavery,  and  its  relations  :  this  has  been  growing, 
and  becoming  more  and  mere  formidable,  until  it  seemed  to  cover  the 
whole  horizon,  and  shut  out  almost  every  other  topic.  I  mention 
these  things,  not  to  compare  the  one  with  the  other  :  but  simply 
to  express  the  hope,  that  as  these  clouds  have  one  after  another 
rolled  away,  and  a  kind  Providence  has  preserved  our  liberties, 
our  blessings,  and  our  country,  so- the  same  goodness  will  dispel 
what  seems  the  threatening  aspect  of  this  great  evih 

I  am  not  to  discuss  the  question  of  slavery,  here  ;  neither  in  its 
moral  bearings,  nor  in  its  dangers. — It  were  easy  to  load  it  with 
obloquy,  or  to  dismiss  it  with  a  passing  curse  :  as  the  bane  of  our 
country,  the  fertile  source  of  countless  evils,  and  dissensions. — It 
were  easy  to  do  this  ;  but  perhaps  it  would  not  be  wise. — It  is 
only  the  fact,  that  it  is  associated  with  our  constitution  and  our 
government,  to  which  I  advert.  Will  it  destroy  it  ?  Is  it  a 
hopeless  canker  ;  not  to  be  cured  nor  mitigated,  nor  mollified, 
until  it  eat  out  the  vitals  of  our  national  existence  f  My  hearers, 
let  it  be  remembered,  that  the  government  and  the  constitution  are 
not  responsible  for  this  evil :  they  did  not  make  it :  they  found 
it :  and  they  found  it  here  as  well  as  at  the  South.  They  found 
it  thrust  upon  this  people,  by  the  cupidity  and  tyranny  of  the 
mother  country,  against  earnest  remonstrance,  on  the  part,  of 
some  at  least  of  her  colonies.— The  constitution  is  not  to  blau^.. 


18 


But  how,  and  when,  is  it  to  be  removed  ?  Not  in  sin  hour :  not 
by  the  hand  of  violence :  we  shudder  to  think  of  it:  let  no  man 
breathe  it ; — not  by  the  power  of  the  government  :  it  has  no  such 
authority,  and  was  never  created  for  such  a  purpose ;  as  it  is  not 
responsible  for  its  existence.— It  is  plain,  that  if  ever  this  evil  is 
to  be  eradicated, — and  we  are  sure,  that  it  must  fall, — while  wre 
cannot  see  the  time,  nor  the  means  directly, — it  must  be  by  the 
deep  convictions,  and  the  voluntary  movements  of  the  South.  I 
know  of  no  other  way.  The  truth  is,  my  friends,  it  is  a  subject 
encompassed  with  the  most  profound  and  serious  difficulties. — It 
is  a  solemn  subject. — I  am  sorry ,  that  at  present,  the  aspect  of 
the  South  is  so  unpropitious  ;  though.  I  am  not  surprised  at  it. — I 
am  grieved,  that  good  men  at  the  Souths  do  not  seek  at  once,  to 
remove  some  of  the  more  objectionable  features  of  the  system.  I 
am  pained, — not  surprised,  at  their  unwillingness,  to  look  at  the 
subject,  at  all.  I  am  astonished  at  the  boldness,  which  can  de¬ 
clare  it  to  be,  an  advantage,  a  necessary  appendage  of  their  state 
of  society,  I  am  amazed  at  the  recklessness  and  infatuation, 
which  would;  undertake  a  fratricidal  war,  for  its  maintenance.  I 
am  disappointed,  that  Kentucky,  has  rejected  the  opportunity  of 
engrafting  emancipation  upon  her  future  prospects.— But  after  all, 
I  can  trust  in  God,  and  be  patient.  Believe  it,  his  providence 
has  something  in  store,  which  will  meet  the  emergency. — Believe 
it,  it  can  not  destroy  our  government,  if  wisdom,  moderation  and 
kindness  guide  our  councils. — And  be  assured,  if  you  ever  reach 
the  heart  of  tho  South,  on  this  topic — if  slavery  is  ever  made  to 
cease  or  its  vigor  is  in  any  degree  mitigated,  by  human  instru¬ 
mentalities, — it  will  be,  not  by  the  thunderings  of  denunciation, 
not  by  threats,  not  by  pictures  of  its  horrors, — sometimes  true, 
oftener  false :  not  by  depreciating  and  scorning,  what  is  really 
done  for  the  slave : — but  it  will  be  by  the  voice  of  kindness,  of 
reason,  of  argument,  and  of  justice.  It  will  be  by  the  gradual, 
silent,  persuasive  influence  of  religious  truth,  and  of  right  princi¬ 
ples,  gaining  the  hearts  of  the  good  and  the  pious,  aided  by 
considerations  of  advantage  $nd  interest ;  and,  1  think,  by  provi¬ 
dence  opening  some  way  for  the  removal  of  the  difficulties,  which 
beset  the  subject.  Say  not,  that  your  patience  cannot  brook  this* 


slo\V  progress  :  that  you  are  tired  of  this  long  delay.  Ah  !  ray 
friends,  God  is  not  tired  of  sending  blessings  upon  you,  though 
you  are  unthankful  and  unworthy.  Beware  of  hastening  his 
providence  :  beware  of  doing  evil,  that  good  may  come  :  be  satis¬ 
fied  that  much  has  been  gained,  as  to  the  extension  of  the  evil : 
by  the  cessation  of  the  traffic  in  our  National  Capital :  by  the 
very  discussions  on  Emancipation. — And  last  of  all,  remember, 
that  your  own  state,  a  little  more  than  a  hundred  years  ago-,  Was 
not  only  marked  by  the  existence  of  slavery,  but  distinguished  by 
the  severity  of  its  negro  code.  Do  you  not  know,  that  a  little 
more  than  a  hundred  years  ago,  thirteen  negroes  Were  adjudged 
to  the  stake  in  New-York  ?  Do  yoti  not  know,  that  it  is  but 
thirty-three  years, — scarcely  a  generation, — since  the  act  of  eman¬ 
cipation  was  passed ;  and  only  twenty-three,  since  all  born  upon 
this  soil,  became  free  ?  If  here,  at  the  North,  with  all  the  influ¬ 
ences  of  freedom,  and  the  example  of  other  States,  and  with  the 
very  small  number  of  Slaves  in  existence,  progress  was  so  slow* 
— how  can  you  expect  the  South,  with  its  overpowering  numbers, 
and  borne  down  by  prejudice  and  interest,  to  be  revolutionized, 
speedily ! 

I  have  made  these  remarks,  prolonged  beyond  their  intended 
length,  simply  to  remind  you,  that  there  is  nothing  which  should 
prevent  our  rejoicing  together  to-day,  over  the  blessings  of  Provi¬ 
dence,  and  his  goodness  to  our  land.  Make  every  possible  abate¬ 
ment,  and  it  still  remains  a  palpable  and  glorious  truth,  that  we 
are  blessed  beyond  most  nations,  in  our  civil  relations,  and  in  the 
benignant  kindness  of  our  Heavenly  Father.  “He  hath  not  dealt 
So  with  any  nation  :  and  as  for  his  judgments,  they  have  not 
known  them.  Praise  ye  the  Lord.”  And  as  to  the  dosing  year, 
for  which  especially  we  are  called  upon  to  give  thanks, — it  has 
its  reasons  for  special  acknowledgments. — Publicly ;  for  general 
health :  for  abundant  harvests  :  for  foreign  peace  :  for  domestic 
tranquility :  and  especially,  for  the  new  testimony  given  to  the 
strength  and  stability  of  our  institutions.  During  the  year,  God, 
has  in  his  inscrutable  providence  suddenly  struck  down  our 
honored  Chief  Magistrate  :  but  how  quietly  and  successfully  has 
the  crisis  been  met,  and  constitutional  order  prevailed,  in  the 


to 


feffcegsicfo  of  ]jrs  successor  to  office:  and  that  too,  amid  th6 
highest  strife  of  tongues, ana  the  apparently  almost  hopeless  conflict 
of  passions,  inteiesls  and  opinions. — Let  it  be  a  new  omen,  of  our 
prosperity.  As  to  your  peculiar  and  private  causes  of  thanksgiv¬ 
ing,  I  leave  the  catalogue  to  be  made  up  by  your  own  grateful 
recollections,  and  thankful  hearts. 

Let  me  now  renew  your  attention,  to  a  few  brief  suggestions, 
as  to  some  points  of  dq^y,  springing  from  the  review  of  our 
condition,  and  incumbent'on  us  at  the  present  time. — What  is  the 
duty  of  a  patriot  ? 

1.  Let  speak  well  of  our  country — We  are  under  obliga¬ 
tions  to  do  so:  and  there  is  every  reason  why  we  should.  We 
are  far  from  being  perfect :  there  are  evils,  sins,  among  us.  But 
if  our  views  be  true,  there  is  cause  for  the  most  profound  gratis 
tude,  for  strong  confidence  and  hope,  for  decided  commendation 
and  praise.  There  is  a  tendency  sometimes  to  depreciate  our 
country :  to  dwell  upon  and  magnify  its  evils  :  to  keep  out  of 
view  ils  blessings  and  its  honors  ;  to  pass  over  what  is  praise¬ 
worthy,  Sometimes  you  are  to  believe,  that  there  is  nothing  good 
in  it :  that  it  is  just  about  to  fall  to  pieces  by  its  own  corruption 
or  by  the  frantic  and  seditious  violence  of  some  of  its  unworthy 
sons.  It.  is  a  sink  of  iniquity  :  the  offscouring  of  God  and  man  : 
with  no  hope  for  it,  but  to  be  destroyed, — It  is  not  so.  I  cannot 
believe  it.  I  will  not  admit  it.-— There  are  too  many  precious 
hopes  treasured  up  here,  lo  believe  it:  there  is  too  much  at  stake, 
for  God,  for  religion,  for  humanity,  for  the  world*  to  think  of  it.  I 
grant  that  there  is  need  of  much  exertion,  on  the  part  of  patriots, 
wise  men,  and  Christians.  But  there  is  much,  very  much,  that  is 
good  here.  There  is  piety,  morality*  large-hearted  philanthropy, 
patriotism.  Here  is  a  noble  government,  the  model  of  the  World  : 
there  are  men  of  whom  any  nation  might  be  proud.  There  are 
clusters,  multitudes  of  ardent,  devoted  lovers  of  their  country,  and 
its  welfare.  Let  us  speak  well,  and  hopefully  of  our  country. 

I  avow  it.— Next  to  religion,  and  my  home,  I  know  of  no  object 
dearer  in  the  world,  than  my  country.  Her  very  stones  and  dust 
are  precious  in  my  sight.  1  rejoice  in  her  prosperity,  and  take  in, 
in  the  arms  of  brother!?  iod,  all  her  millions.  With  all  her  faults* 


«.}>e  is  the  fairest  land  of  'earth.  I  aifl  proud  of  her  government* 
of ’her  institutions,  of  her  order,  of  her  religion,  of  her  prospects. 

]  can  stand  tip,  in  the  presence  of  any  man,  of  any  nation,  and  call 
myself  an  American  :  for  no  man  shall  make  me  ashamed  of  the 
title-:  bo  man  shall  stop  me  of  this  same  boasting,  in  any  region 
on  the  globe.  I  can  trust,  that  her  continuance  will  be  lasting  as 
lime,  in  unbroken  and  happy  unity.  Let  us  speak  well  of  our 
country  :  for,  when  her  own  sons  traduce  her,  when  with  parrici¬ 
dal  hand,  they  strike  a  blow  at  her  peace,  prosperity,  and  happi¬ 
ness, — they  are  not  aiming  a  blow  at  her  alone,  but  at  the  general 
interests  of  truth  and  righteousness,  of  liberty  and  religion  in  the 
world. — Where  would  these  be,  without  the  American  Republic  ? 
If  this  experiment  fail,  the  hand  upon  the  dial-plate  of  the  world’s 
-advancement  is  set  back,  more  than  ten  degrees.  If  this  fails,  for 
all  that  I  see,  you  may  bid  the  crushed  and  oppressed  millions  of 
Europe,  to  lie  still  in  iheir  degradation  and  oppression  :  for  there 
-is  no  hope:  for  all  that  I  see,  you  may  surrender  Christianity, — 
•itself  to  another  struggle  with  superstition  and  error,  and  another 
•long  and  dreary  waste  of  dark  ages.  Let  us  speak  well  of  our 
count  ry  :  for  it  is  in  a  large  degree  the  hope  of  the  world;  May 
it  never  be  divided  :  or  if,  upon  our  western  shore,  another  empire 
must  arise,  for  convenience  of  government.,  may  it  be  in  harmony, 
and  peace  :  so  that  the  two  may  be  twin  constellations  in  the 
political  heavens :  one  in  feeling,  one  in  constitution,  one  in 
religion,  one  in  furthering  the  advance  of  a  common  humanity  ; 
divided  only  in  name. 

2.  Let  us  cherish  the  institutions*  and  yield  homage  to  the 
government,  and  laws  of  our  country.  It  would  ordinarily  be 
sufficient,  simply  to  announce  this  duty,  and  it  would  commend 
itself  to  the  heart,  and  secure  the  approval  of  every  true  patriot. — 
Our  local  laws,  our  stale  institutions,  our  government  both  in  its 
general  features,  and  in  its  practical  operation, — as  we  have 
intimated, — are  worthy  of  our  sincere  respect  and  devoted  attach¬ 
ment.  Our  federal  constitution,  which  has  been  pronounced  oy 
another,  (Dr.  Bacon,)  “in  every  thing  so  admirable, — in  every 
thing  so  cleaily  and  wonderfully  marked  with  the  impress  of  the 
Divine  Providence  that  gave  it,v — secures  for  our  people,  the 


great  objects  for  which  ift  was  planned  arid  ©as  worked  for  years  to 
ffie  prosperity  and  growth  of  this,  nation,  and  is  the  model  of  the 
"world.  No  true-heatted  American  citizen  ought  to  need  to  be 
urged  to  cherish  the  principles  it  embodies.,  nor  the  noble  instru¬ 
ment,  in  which  they  ate  set  forth,  and  applied.  And  as  to 
homage  to  law,  it  has  been  the  general  "sentiment  of  the  country : 
deviations  from  it,  and  resistance  to  Irivv,  have  been  but  the  excep¬ 
tions,  and  have  been  almost  universally  reprobated ;  and  when 
such  resistance  has  been  put  down,  even  with  great  severity,  by 
the  constituted  authorities,  it  has  been  with  the  approbation  of  all 
good  citizens.  I  need  not  repeat  the  common  axiom,  that  sub¬ 
mission  to  law,  is  an  indispensable  principle,  under  a  free  gov¬ 
ernment.  Under  these  circumstances,  an  argument  on  the 
•sribject  might  seem  out  of  place. — Yet  peculiar  circumstances  at 
this  time,  seem  to  demand  a  re-affirmation  of  these  principles  : 
and  perhaps  they  may  call  for  a  new  -and  thorough  discussion  of 
the  whole  subject.  It  does  not  fall  within  my  province,  nor  my 
time,  to  enter  upon  such  a  discussion  to  day  :  but  you  will  allow 
me  to  state  briefly,  and  without  argument,  a  few  principles,  which 
seem  to  lie  at  the  foundation,  of  the  practical  duty,  to  which  I 
exhort  you. 

As  to  the  general  duty  of  obedience  to  law,  it  would  seem,- 
after  all,  as  if  there  were  a  substantial  agreement  on  first  princi¬ 
ples  :  the  general  duty  is  conceded  :  and  the  foundation  on  which 
it  is  built,  that  government  is  an  ordinance  of  God,  and  is  to  be 
yielded  to,  on  this  ground,  is  almost  universally  granted.  Indeed,- 
there  may  well  be,  on  the  question  of  submission,  a  unanimity  of 
opinion : — for,  not  to  argue  from  reason  and  necessity,  in  its 
favor, — do  you  know  any  duty,  of  a  practical  nature,  more  clearly 
and  explicitly  set  forth,  in  the  word  of  God,  than  this?  Do  yon 
know  any,  more  beautifully  and  accurately  illustrated,  in  the  life 
of  Christ,  and  his  apostles,  than  honor  and  respect  to  the  govern¬ 
ment,  and  submission  to  the  powers  that  be?  I  should  be  glad 
to  go  over  with  you,  some  incidents  in  the  life  of  the  Savior,  and 
his  followers  : — and  mark  the  wisdom  with  which,  without  com 
promising  duty,  he  yielded  to  power,  and  escaped  the  snares  of 
those,  who  sought  to  entrap  him  on  this  point.  But  we  have  not 


23 


time. — Yet  you  remember,  how  he  paid  tribute,  miraculously 
providing  it :  how  he  taught  the  Jews,  that  they  must  render  unto 
Cesar,  though  a  foreigner,  and  a  tyrant,  the  things  which  are 
Cesar’s, — while  they  must  render  unto  God,  the  tilings  that  are 
God’s  :  how  he  said, “my  kingdom  is  not  of  this  world,  else  would 
my  servants  fight,  that  I  should  not  be  delivered  to  the  Jews  — 
how  he  yielded  himself  to  unjust  arrest,  and  forbade  his  rash, 
though  well-meaning  disciple,  to  employ  carnal  weapons. — 
But  this  is  unnecessary.  I  lay  down  the  principle,  fearless  of 
contradiction,  that  the  government  and  laws  of  the  country  must 
be  submitted  to  :  that  no  individual  has  a  right  to  set  up  his  judg¬ 
ment  and  will  violently  against  it,  unless  he  is  prepared  to  take 
the  consequences,  of  rebellion,  or  of  refusal.  And  that  even 
though  a  law  may  work  hardship  and  injustice,  it  is  not  to  be 
violently  resisted  on  any  other  terms.  I  believe  that  substantially 
all  agree*  on  these  points,  in  the  general :  certainly  the  major 
part.  Duty,  interest,  scripture,  reason,  point  to  these  principles ; 
and  demand  their  adoption.  I  have  been  interested,  besides  other 
passages  of  Scripture,  in  reading  what  is  said  in  Jeremiah,  to  the 
Jews  carried  away  captive  in  Babylon  * — Jeremiah  wrote  them  a 
letter,  by  divine  direction,  as  to  thsir  conduct  in  the  land  wrhither 
they  had  been  banished  for  their  sins,  and  where  they  wrere  des¬ 
tined  to  remain  for  many  years.  He  says,  “seek  the  peace  of  the 
city  whither  I  have  caused  you  to  be  carried  away  captives  :  and 
pray  unto  the  Lord  for  it :  for  in  the  peace  thereof  shall  ye  have 
peace,w  Here,  their  own  interest  demanded  submission  to  author¬ 
ity  :  and  they  were  to  seek  the  welfare  of  the  land  of  their  oppres¬ 
sors.  I  do  not  offer  this  as  a  parallel  to  the  case  of  modem 
slavery;  but  simply  to  show  that  the  general  principle  of  submis¬ 
sion  to  the  powers  that  be,  was  inculcated  under  the  Old  Testa¬ 
ment,  and  was  to  be  exercised  until  God  should  open  a  way  for 
their  deliverance. 

But  is  there  not  a  limit,  to  this  duty  of  obedience  ?  Here  again, 
it  will  be  conceded,  almost  universally,  that  there  is :  although, 
the  distinguished  Chalmers,  if  I  understand  him  aright,  in  his 
comments  upon  th$  13th  of  Romans,  would  absolutely  forbid 
Christians  from  violent  resistance,  at  any  time  :  even  from  taking 


21 


a  leading,  and  active  part  in  any  revolution  or  rebellion.  He  of 
course  would  not  say,  that  they  were  actively  to  conform  to  a  law, 
commanding  us  to  violate  our  duties  to  God.  But  while  we  do 
not  agree  with  his  views,  if  they  be  such  as  we  have  before  men¬ 
tioned,  it  must  be  granted,  that  submission  to  the  authority  of  the 
law,  and  the  power  of  magistracy,  is  very  strongly  and  extensively 
urged  in  the  scriptures  and,  more,  that  it  is  not  only  a.dtity,  but 
that  there  is  a  moral  force  in  it,  sometimes,  which  is  mighty. — - 
There  is  a  holy  power,  often,  in  patient  submission,  even  to 
wrong,  which  vindicates  the  teachings  of  the  word  of  God.  Still, 
we  believe  that  there  is  a  limit  to  active  obedience  to  the  com¬ 
mands  of  the  civil  magistrate  :  and  that  there  is  a  limit  on  the 
part  of  a  people,  though  it  is  much  farther  on,  even  to  passive 
submission,  to-  such  authority.  But  if  you  ask,  what  is  the  duty 
of  a  good  citizen,  of  a  patriot,  in  reference  to  the  laws  of  his 
country, — I  reply  :  I  speak  as  a  Christian,  you  are  Christians, — 
he  must  submit ,  unqualifiedly,  to  the  laws  of  the  land  :  he  must 
obey  those  laws,  to  the  utmost  limit  of  possibility,  in  consistence 
with  a  good  conscience  :  and  if  he  cannot  conscientiously  obey 
them,  he  must  submit  to  them  in  enduring  the  penalty,  while  they 
are  laws,  and  if  he  cannot  avoid  their  opeTation  upon  himself ;  he 
must  do  this  patiently  and  meekly  ;  he  must,  by  no  means,  oppose 
violence*  to  the  dignity  and  authority  of  the  law;  he  must  enter 
into  no  combinations  to  resist  it,  and  obstruct  its  execution,  unless 
he  is  prepared  to  take  the  consequences  of  rebellion  and  revolu¬ 
tion  : — I  am  happy  to  say,  that  these  principles  also  are  almost 
universally  conceded^.  I  believe  them  tu  be  the  teachings  of  the 
New  Testament.  I  believe  combined,  violent  resistance  to  law, 
to  be  an  extreme  and  fearful  movement  :•  involving  the  most 
solemn  resposibilities,  and  to  be  undertaken  only  in  hopeful  cir¬ 
cumstances.  I  believe  no  individual  has-  a  right  to  take  the 
responsibility  of  resistance  : — certainly  not  in  a  government  like 
ours. 

Now  we  have  said  these  things  entirely  in  the  abstract :  but  it 
is  plain,  that  as  principles  they  apply  to  the  case,  which  now 
agitates  the  community.  What  are  their  bearing  upon  it  ?  What 
shall  we  say  of  the  fugitive  slave-law  ?  Its  practical  operation  i-s 


sad  and  harsh  in  many  cases  :  sometimes  peculiarly  so.  Is  il  no! 
offensive  in  many  of  its  provisions  to  the  feelings  of  our  citizens, 
to  the  public  opinion  of  the  North  ?  It  is ;  unless  these  provis¬ 
ions  are  a  mere  homage  to  the  form  of  law.  Is  it  constitutional  ? 
I  do  not  know  :  wise  men  say  it  is  ;  wise'  men  say  it  is  not.  I 
suppose  the  principle,  at  the  basis  of  it,  is  constitutional ;  it  seems 
plainly  to  be  written  there  ;  and  has  long  been  incorporated  in  a 
law.  Whether  its  details  are,  I  imagine  is  to  be  decided,  not  so. 
much  by  individual  judgment,  as  by  the  constituted  judicial 
authority,  to  which  all  must  submit.  Must  we  submit  to  it, 
without  violent,  bloody  resistance  ;  pay  its  penalty,  if  need  be  ? 
Yes !  as  you  are  citizens  and  Christians; — unless  you  are  pre¬ 
pared,  so  far  as  you  are  concerned,  to  introduce  lawlessness,  anar¬ 
chy,  nullification,  and  confusion.  Must  we  obey  actively,  its 
mandates  ?  When  the  time  comes  for  each  individual,  to  decide 
that  question,  l$t  him  decide  it,  in  the  fear  of  God,  and  before  his 
own  conscience  :  but  let  him  be  sure,  that  his  conscience  is  right : 
that  it  is  wisely  enlightened  by  as  clear,  unprejudiced  and  intelli¬ 
gent  a  view  of  the  whole  subject,  as  he  can  gain.  If  you  ask  me, 
for  its  ultimate  results,  I  am  not  able  to  descry  them,  in  the  future. 
It  may  not  have  any  direct  bearing  on  the  question  of  slavery  :  it 
may  be,  that  that  God  whose  province  it  is,  to  make  the  wrath  of 
man  to  praise  him,  may  somehow  make  this  law  instrumental,  in 
extending  right  views,  on  that  unhappy  question.  All  I  say  now 
is,  that  while  it  is  a  law,  on  the  principles  we  have  laid  down, 
submission  to  it,  is  the  part  of  every  good  citizen. 

There  have  however  been  certain  teachings  put  forth,  by  a 
particular  religious  journal,  on  this  subject,  to  which  I  deem  it  my 
duty  to  advert.  I  do  so,  not  merely  because  of  the  general  prin¬ 
ciples  involved,  and  in  the  exposure  of  which,  all  are  alike  con¬ 
cerned  ;  but  because  that  paper  is  often  reeognizcd,  and  indeed 
has  been  publicly  spoken  of,  as  the  organ  of  the  denomination  of 
Christians,  iu  this  state,  to  which  this  church  belongs.  It  is  not, 
indeed,  in  any  correct  sense,  such  an  organ  :  but,  as  you  know,  is 
a  private  enterprise ;  and  for  the  sentiments  contained  in  the 
paper,  the  Editors  alone  are  responsible.  Yet,  it  seems  proper, 
with  some  reference  to  this  supposed  fact,  as  well  as  for  general 


reasons,  solemnly,  to  protest  against  some  of  the  doctrines,  which 
it  has  put  forth  on  this  topic:— and  the  more  so,  as  they  have, 
contrary  to  our  hopes,  been  substantially  reiterated,  of  late,  and 
the  thought,  that  they  have  been  retracted  or  essentially  modified, 
has  been  distinctly  spurned.  I  allude  to  the  encouragement  given, 
to  resist  the  execution  of  the  law,  at  the  hazard  of  bloodshed  and 
murder  :  nay  !  to  prepare  deliberately  for  such  violent  resistance  ; 
to  carry  deadly  weapons,  and  to  shoot  or  stab  the.  officer  of  the 
law,  while  attempting  to  carry  out  its  provisions.  I  am  amazed 
and  grieved  at  the  exhibition  of  such  doctrines,  by  ministers  of 
the  Gospel  of  peace,  and  at  their  repeated  avowal  and  justifica¬ 
tion.  I  repudiate  them,  utterly.  \  h.old  them  to  be  entirely 
inexcusable. 

Let  me  give  you  some  extracts  from  the.  article  in,  question,  to 
illustrate  its  tone  aud  spirit : — 

“Since,  then  the  law  is  to  be  resisted,  it  is,  important  to  deter¬ 
mine  how  it  can  be  resisted  with  the  best  effect.  *  *  *  * 

To  resist  it,  even  unto  death,  is  their  right,  (that  of  the  fugitives,  }t 
and  it  may  be  their  duty.  We  would  dissuade  the  fugitives  as  a 
class,  and  especially  would  we  dissuade  the  colored  population, 
as  a  whole,  from  any  combination  to  resist  the  law  by  violence.  * 

*  *  *  But  to  each  individual  fugitive,  *  *  *  *  we 

say,  be  fully  prepared  for  your  own  defence.  If  to  you  death 
seems  better  than  slavery,  then  refuse  not  to  die, — whether  on  the 
way-side,  at  your  own  threshold,  or  even  as  a  felon  upon  the  gal¬ 
lows.  Defend  your  liberty  and  the  liberty  of  your  wife  and 
children,  as  you  would  defend  your  life  and  theirs  against  the 
assassin.  -*  *  *  *  Should  you  destroy  the  life  of  your 

assailant,  you  will  pass  into  the  custody  of  the  criminal  law  as 
administered  in  the  free  states,  under  an  indictment  for  murder  : 
but  the  verdict  of  the  community,  and  the  verdict  of  almost  any 
jury  will  be,  ‘  justifiable  homicide,  in  self-defence.’  *  *  *  * 

Or  should  a  different  verdict  be  found,  and  you  be  condemned  to 
die  as  a  murderer,  your  ignominious  head  shall  be  luminous  with 
the  halo  of  the  martyr,  and  your  sacrifice  shall  be  for  the  deliver¬ 
ance  of  your  people.  *  *  *  *  As  it  is  better,  if  possible, 

to  avoid  the  effusion  of  blood,  you  may  choose  to  reserve  the  right. 


Cl**? 

<6  A 


■of  self-defence,  as  your  last  resort.  *  *  *  *  It  may  be 

expedient  for  some  fugitives,  *  *  *  to  waive  the  right  of  self- 

defence,  and  consent  to  return  awhile  to  slavery,  as  propagandists 
of  liberty.  Go  back  to  be  a  preacher  of  freedom,  to  teach  others 
how  to  escape,  and  see  to  it,  that  you  do  not  return  alone. 

“Let  the  fugitives  throughout  the  North,  form  a  secret  society, 
with  signs,  passes,  and  watchwords  ;  let  them  consult  as  to  the 
best  means  of  protecting  themselves  against  the  law  that  seeks  to 
oppress  them,  and  also  of  aiding  in  a  second  flight,  such  as  a te 
captured,  and  of  spreading  information  among  the  slaves  at  the 
South  as  to  the  means  and  methods  of  escape.  *  *  We  carry  no 
arms,  as  we  should  do,  if  we  Were  fugitives  from  slavery.  We 
shall  not  shoot  or  stab  a  claimant  or  his  bailiff,  as  we  might  do  if 
he  should  lay  hands  upon  our  persons  to  drag  us  into  slavery. — 
*  *  *  *  Upon  a  soil  where  every  man  is  free,  he,  (the  citi¬ 

zen,)  should  withstand  the  kidnapper,  (the  officer  of  the  law,)  just 
as  he  would  withstand  the  highway  assassin.  We  would  render 
the  execution  of  the  law  odious  and  infamous.  ***** 
We  reject  the  fugitive  slave  law,  as  unconstitutional  find  therefore 
void.  But  if  it  is  according  to  the  Constitution,  We,  nevertheless, 
reject  it.” 

But  enough.— I  enter  my  solemn  protest  against  such  senti¬ 
ments.  I  warn  you  against  their  adoption  or  encouragement.  I 
denounce  them  as  unpatriotic,  unchristian,  atrocious.  They  are 
cruel  to  the  fugitives  themselves  :  rebellious  against  the  constitu¬ 
tion  and  government  of  the  country  :  contrary  to  the  spirit  of  the 
Gospel.  They  are  the  sheer  insanity  of  fanaticism. — Some  of 
the  men,  who  guide  that  journal,  I  have  numbered  among  my 
personal  friends,  notwithstanding  we  are  compelled  16  difFef*  wide¬ 
ly,  in  some  of  our  views  :  and  I  am'  willing  to  admit.,  that  thefe 
have  been  other  sentiments  on  this  topic,  far  less  objectionable  and 
dangerous  in  their  tendency  :  nay  !  from  which,  perhaps,  the  true 
principles,  on  which  the  question  is  to  be  decided,  might  be  devel¬ 
oped.  But  I  cannot  refrain,  nevertheless,  from  this  deliberate 
condemnation  of  doctrines  so  repugnant  tc  the  spirit  of  the  Gospel, 
and  its  teachings  as  these.  With  all  earnestness,  I  ask,  when’ce 
have  these  men  imbibed  sentiments  like  these?  Where  have 


28 


they  breathed  this  spirit  ?  Is  it  from  the  example  of  the  blessed 
Redeemer,  or  of  his  holy  apostles  ?  Is  it  from  their  instructions  1 
Would  Paul  thus  have  counselled  any  of  his  fellow-Christians  ? 
Are  these  sentiments  worthy  of  the  minister  of  the  Gospel,  and 
the  expounder  of  the  divine  word  ?  Is  it  not  time,  my  brethren, 
that  we  should  come  back,  in  the  simplicity  of  a  genuine  humili¬ 
ty,  to  this  fountain  of  all  wisdom,  this  sure  directory,  and  should 
take  our  standard  of  duty,  not  from  the  impulses  of  excited  feel¬ 
ing,  not  from  the  dictates  of  an  unwise  and  an  ungodly  philanthro 
py,  not  from  our  wishes  merely,  but  from  the  simple  teachings  of 
the  word  of  God  !* 

I  return  to  the  practical  duty  before  us :  and  I  repeat  it :  let 
every  citizen  yield  homage  to  the  laws  and  government  of  his 
country.  Let  obedience,  and  submission  to  lawful  authority,  so 
long  the  happy  characteristic  of  our  people,  ever  remain  a  distin¬ 
guishing  feature,  in  our  national  character.  Let  no  spirit  of 
insubordination,  lawless  violence  and  rebellion,  find  a  place  or  be 
encouraged  among  us.  Be  assured,  a  reverence  for  law,  lies  at 
the  basis  of  all  our  safety  and  prosperity.  In  the  language  of 
another,  (Dr.  Bacon,)  “Wo  to  those  men  who  are  laboring  to 
counteract  such  a  sentiment.  If  they  do  it  in  the  sacred  name 
of  liberty,  or  in  the  more  sacred  name  of  philanthropy,  theirs 
is  the  greater  condemnation.  Far  distant  be  the  day  when  the 
white  wand  of  an  unarmed  constable  shall  lose  its  potency,  or 
Wheti  that  word,  the  law,  shall  no  longer  be  a  word  of  power 
to  still  the  tumult  of  the  people.” 


*  While  this  sermon  was  passing  through  the  press,  the  writer  chanced  to  meet  the 
following  extract  from  a  work  of  Rev.  Dr.  Bacon,  one  of  the  Editors  of  the  journal  allu¬ 
ded  to  above,  though  now  absent  in  Europe,  tie  has  no  hesitation  in  putting  it  on  record 
here,  both  because  of  the  sound  sentiments  it  contains  on  the  precise  point  at  issue,  and 
because  of  the  source  from  which  it  emanates.  It  was  published  in  1839  : 

“One  day  last  spring,  the  author  of  this  discourse,  being  in  Boston,  entered  the  gallery 
O'f  Marlborough  Chapel,  where  a  society,  claiming  a  high  place  among  the  philanthropic 
institutions  of  the  age,  was  holding  its  anniversary.  One  of  the  leading  spirits  and  public 
agents  of  the  Society,  was  holding  forth  his  sentiments  on  that  part  of  the  Federal  Con¬ 
stitution, which  requires  an  apprentice  or  servant  fleeing  from  one  State  into  another,  to  be 
given  up  to  those  who  by  the  laws  of  the  State  from  which  he  flees,  are  entitled  to  his  servi¬ 
ces.  He  was  expressing  the  hope,  that  juries  in  New-England, trying  cases  under  this  Con¬ 
stitutional  law,  would  so  far  perjure  themselves,  as  to  bring  in  verdicts  contrary  to  known 
law  and  facts  :  and  in  so  doing,  he  expressed  great  contempt  for  that  strange  deference 
to  judicial  decisions,  as  he  called  it,  which  is  so  prevalent  in  the  community  : — as  if  he  did 
not  know  that  it  is  this  very  deference  to  law,  as  expounded  and  applied  by  the  judges  of 
the  land  that  permits  him  to  wear  his  head  in  safety. 

“An  association  protesting  against  an  existing  law,  as  unwise  or  unjust,  and  using  law¬ 
ful  means  to  change  the  law,  is  one  thing.  An  association  which  undertakes  to  pronounce 


29 


3.  Let  us,  as  patriots,  promote  the  diffusion  of  those  moral 
<and  religious  influences,  which  tend  so  directly  to  the  preserva¬ 
tion  of  our  liberties.  While  we  cherish  an  affectionate  veneration 
for  our  country,  and  rejoice  in  her  prosperity, — and  while  our 
'example  and  iufluence  are  on  the  side  of  order  and  submission  to 
authority, — something  more  is  needful.  I  may  well  assume  here, 
that  public  morality  and  religion,  are  the  safe-guaid  of  all  nations, 
and  most  especially,  of  free  institutions  ;  and  that  if  the  welfare  of 
our  country  is  to  be  secured,  and  our  permanency,  as  a  people 
maintained,  it  must  be  by  cherishing  and  extending  these.  It  is 
the  duty  of  all  to  foster  such  influences :  everywhere,  to  seek 
to  plant  religion  :  to  cause  to  flourish  all  over  the  land,  those  same 
religious  institutions  and  habits,  which  none  but  an  infidel  will 
deny  to  have  been  one  mainspring  of  our  past  prosperity.  “Right- 
-eousness  exalteth  a  nation  :  but  sin  is  a  reproach  to  any  people.” 
By  invoking  the  divine  favor  upon  our  rulers,  by  commending  our 


•the  law  no  law,  to  denounce  the  sworn  ministers  of  the  law,  to  whom  the  Constitution 
gives  no  discretionary  power,  as  criminals  against  freedom,  humanity,  and  religion, — to 
-organize  measures  for  resisting  the  law, — is  another  thing,  and  is  likely  to  do  more  harm, 
by  teaching  people  to  despise  all  government  and  magistracy,  than  it  can  do  good  by  any 
philanthropic  endeavors.” 

Let  us  now  place  side  by  side,  the  doctrine,  of  the  two  extracts,  we  have  given,  and 
look  at  the  contrast,  both  in  the  letter  and  the  spirit,  which  they  exhibit : 


They,  (the  fugitives,)  can  have  no  scru¬ 
ples  of  conscience  about  the  law,  or  the  con¬ 
stitution.  To  them,  this  law  is  no  law. — 
The  law,  is  to  be  resisted.  We  reject  the 
fugitive  slave  law,  as  unconstitutional  and 
therefore  void.  But  if  it  is  according  to  the 
Constitution,  we  nevertheless  reject  it. 

Be  fully  prepared  for  your  own  defence. — 
Defend  your  liberty  and  the  liberty  of  your 
wife  and  children,  (against  the  sworn  min¬ 
ister  of  the  law,  remember,)  as  you  would 
defend  your  life  and  theirs  against  the  assas¬ 
sin.  Should  you  destroy  the  life  of  your, 
assailant,  (viz:  the  sworn  minister  of  the 
law,)  you  will  pass  into  the  custody  of  the 
criminal  law,  as  administered  in  the  free 
States,  under  an  indictment  for  murder: 
but  the  verdict  of  the  community,  and  the 
verdict  of  almost  any  jury  will  be,  ‘justifia¬ 
ble  homicide  in  self-defence.’ 

Should  a  different  verdict  be  found,  and 
you  be  condemned  to  die  as  a  murderer, 
your  ignominious  head  shall  be  luminous 
with  the  halo  of  the  martyr,  and  your  sac¬ 
rifice  shall  be  for  the  deliverance  of  your 
people. 

We  would  render  the  execution  of  the 
law,  odious  and  infamous. 


That  part  of  the  Federal  Constitution, 
which  requires  an  apprentice  or  servant 
fleeing  from  one  state  into  another,  to  be 
given  up  to  those  who  by  the  laws  of  the 
state,  from  which  he  flees  are  entitled  to  his 
services.  This  Constitutional  law  ;  (viz : 
the  former  fugitive  law,)  An  association 
which  undertakes  to  pronounce  the  law,  no 
law,  *  *  *  to  organize  measures  for  resist¬ 
ing  the  law. 

An  association  which  undertakes  to  de¬ 
nounce  the  sworn  ministers  of  the  law,  to 
whom  the  Constitution  gives  no  discretion¬ 
ary  power,  as  criminal  against  freedom,  hu¬ 
manity  and  religion.  *  *  *  * 

He  was  expressing  the  hope  that  juries 
in  New-Engiand,  trying  cases  under  this 
Constitutional  law,  would  so  far  perjure 
themselves,  as  to  bring  in  verdicts  contrary 
to  known  law  and  facts. 

He  expressed  great  contempt  for  that 
‘strange  deference  to  judicial  decisions,’  as 
he  called  it,  which  is  so  prevalent  in  the 
community  : — as  if  he  did  not  know,  that  it 
is  this  very  deference  to  law,  as  expounded 
and  applied  by  the  judges  of  the  land,  that 
permits  him  to  Wear  hit  head  in  safety. 


30 


coafrtry,  with  all  her  interests,  and  her  difficulties,  and  bur  mag¬ 
istrates  themselves,  to  the  divine  guidance  and  protection, — by 
cherishing  a  profound  gratitude  to  Heaven,  for  the  mercies  we 
enjoy,— we  honor  God,  and  are  in  the  way  to  secure  his  blessing. 
By  the  wide  diffusion  of  general  education,  by  exemplifying  and 
defending  principles  of  public  and  private  morality,  by  sustaining 
justice,  truth,  and  righteousness,— above  ail,  by  scattering  abroad 
the  Bible,  and  the  institutions  of  pure  religion — by  advancing,  sus¬ 
taining,  'establishing  a  Protestant  Christianity,  and  setting  up  the 
temples  of  the  cross  in  every  hamlet  in  our  land, — we  are  obeying 
God,  honoring  religion,  and  providing  for  the  spiritual  welfare  of 
our  fellow-men :  but,  at  the  same  time,  we  are  most  effectually 
consolidating  the  foundations,  and  binding  together  all  the  parts 
of  the  glorious  temple  of  liberty,  in  which  it  is  our  privilege  to' 
dwell. 

Who  does  not  long  for  the  perpetuity  of  this  Union  ?  Who 
does  not  tremble  sometimes  lest  there  may  be  causes,  which  shall 
tend  it  asunder,  or  dissolve  it  into  fragments  amid  its  own  corrup¬ 
tions  ?  And  who  does  not  turn  instinctively  to  the  Gospel,  as" 
the  agency,  which  by  its  quiet  and  unobserved,  but  most  potent 
influence,  is  to  remove  our  dangers,  and  disappoint  our  fears  ? — 
Nothing  but  religion  will  accomplish  this :  the  schemes  of  men, 
without  it,— excluding  it, — are  idle  and  worse.  Nothing  but  the 
Gospel religious  influence ;  visiting  every  village  and  hamlet, pen¬ 
etrating  even  to  lonely  huts,  and  solitary  clearings*  mingling  with 
the  people,  following  them  in  their  occupations  by  day,  and  rest¬ 
ing  with  them  in  the  shades  of  evening,  teaching  them  not  id 
churches  alone,  but  in  school-houses,  and  cabins,  arid  by  the  way- 
side,  nothing  but  such  an  all-pervading,  universal,  penetrating 
influence  as  this,  can  give  security  and  stability,  to  our  nation. 

My  hearers,  it  is  your  duty,  as  patriots,  to  be  deeply  interested 
in  such  a  diffusion  of  religion.  Let  us  glance  down  the  future  of 
our  wide-extending,  rapidly-populating  country.  I  see  on  the 
fene  hand,  at  the  end  of  some  few  years,  a  vast  mass  of  discordant 
population,  whose  wickedness  cries  to  heaven  for  vengeance :  among 
whom  passion.,  in  every  form,  rules  unrestrained,  and  is  enkindled 
to  madness.  I  see  every  noble  and  generous  sentiment  departing*' 


^nd  a  supreme  selfishness  in  all  hearts.  I  see  laws  trampled  under 
foot,  the  most  sacred  and  settled  principles  of  government  dis¬ 
regarded,  the  constitution  of  our  country  despised,  denounced, 
violated.  I  see  religion  set  forth  chiefly  in  the  trappings  of  a 
magnificent  idolatry,  and  employed  to  enslave  the  minds  and  de¬ 
base  the  manliness  of  those  whose  morals  it  does  not  care  to  cure. 
I  see  this  mighty  mass,  heaving  and  surging  to  and  fro,  at  the 
instigation  of  passion  or  of  cunning  leaders,  until  in  their  wildness 
and  fury,  they  demolish  the  whole  fabric  of  liberty,  and  make 
another  country  of  this.  On  the  other  hand,  I  see,  at  the  termi¬ 
nation  of  some  such  period,  a  firmly  united,  and,  to  a  good  degree, 
homogeneous  population,  extending  from  ocean  to  ocean ;  a 
people,  among  whom  public  morality  and  private  virtue  prevail.: 
where  law*  the  embodiment  of  right  and  justice,  is  potent*,; — 
I  see  thp  members  of  this  vast  community,  standing  up  in.  the 
manly  dignity  of  conscious  and  well-sustained  independence.- — 
I  see  a  pure  religion,  the  conservative  element  in  all  the  frame¬ 
work  of  society  :  its  temples  smiling  from  every  hill,  and  dotting 
every  plain.  I  see  the  fair  edifice  of  liberty,  towering  higher 
and  higher,  until  it  becomes  a  beacon-light  for  all  nations,  indica¬ 
ting  where  they  may  find,  or  how  they  may  become,  a  free  and 
happy  people.  Do  you  ask  which  vision  is  to  be  realized  ?  God 
only  knows  !  .1  pray,  I  trust,  I  believe,  it  will  be  the  latter.  But  I 
am  sure,  that  order,  education,  morality,  religion,  can  alone  ensure 
such  a  result.  May  they  be  diffused,  with  a  rapidity  commensu¬ 
rate  with  our  vast  growth  in  population  and  extent  of  territory  ! — 
May  our  institutions,  established,  perfected,  more  deeply  than 
ever  Christianized be  the  pride,  the  protection,  the  happiness,  of 
many  generations. 


Note— There  has  been  an  unexpected  delay,  in  the  publication  of  this  sermon,  for 
which  the  writer  is  in  no  way,  responsible.  Meanwhile,  however,— a  change  seems  to 
have  come  over  the  vision  of  the  Independent.  It  is  amusing,  and  would  be  surprising,  if 
anything  from  that  quarter  could  be  so,  to  see  with  what  adroitness  they  have  slipped  off 
from  the  positions  animadverted  upon  in  this  sermon,  while  yet  pretending  to  hold  them 
unmodified.  In  that  journal,  of  January  12th,  is  an  article  on  Obedience  to  Law,  in  which 
strong  positions  are  taken;  and  the  very  extract  from  Dr  Bacon,  is  given  and  endorsed, 
with  the  utmost  coolness.  Jhe  Independent  has  outwitted  its  assailants:  and  by  a 
masterly  activity, — has  wheeled  into  the  ranks  of  Law  and  Order,  and  is  at  the  head  of 
the  advancing  line !  “Order  reigns”  throughout  its  columns  !  The  re-action  is  complete^! 
But  it  has  not  changed  its  position,  at  all  !  L 
There  is  an  advantage  in  having  many  men  of- many  minds,  in  a  religious  journal. — 
There  is  an  advantage  in  such  a  journal,  being  entirely  Independent.  But  by  what  Ba¬ 
rometer  shall  we  conjecture,  or  by  what  Thermometer  shall  vze  estimate*  its  fluctuations'! 


